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As such, the European commemoration is in stark contrast with local/national commemoration and the state of affairs between the Serb minority and ethnic Croats in Vukovar.

Commemorative initiatives promote one-sided narrative of the Homeland War, that excludes victims of other ethnicities, yet it assigns to Vukovar a pivotal role in reconciliation. At the EU level, the memory of Vukovar is instrumental in gaining endorsement of Croatia’s ethno-national narrative of the Yugoslav wars. Croatian political elites employ divergent narratives to frame and commemorate Vukovar (trans)nationally. This chapter draws evidence from ethnographic observation of Vukovar commemoration in loco and in the European parliament (2013-2017), analysis of commemorative speeches and interviews with political elites. It analyses how Croatian political elites since the EU accession of country (2013) have framed and commemorated the main national lieu de mémoire – Vukovar, both on national and European level. This chapter investigates the similarities and differences between national and European commemorations by observing who, how and with what purpose memorialise. The preservation of the “Homeland War” narrative (1991–1995) and of the “sacredness” of Vukovar as a European lieu de mémoire clearly influences the decision-making of Croatian MEPs, motivating inter-group support for policy building and remembrance practices that bridge domestic political differences. Based on the analysis of elite interviews, discourses, parliamentary duties, agenda-setting, and decision-making of Croatian MEPs from 2013 to 2016, I argue that the parliament serves both as a locus for confirmation of European identity through promotion of countries’ EU memory credentials and as a new forum for affirmation of national identity. Drawing evidence from Croatian EU accession, I will consider how Croatian members of the European Parliament “upload” domestic memory politics to the EU level, particularly to the European Parliament. I will analyze how the country responds to the top-down pressures of Europeanization in the domestic politics of memory by making proactive attempts at exporting its own politics of memory (discourses, policies, and practices) to the EU level.

This paper discusses the way in which a post-conflict European Union (EU) member immediately after accession both shapes and adapts to EU memory politics as a part of its Europeanization process.

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